Memory Sites
of Post-Soviet Nostalgia
in Contemporary Bishkek
Memory is often shaped and produced through narratives of the present which are being individually and collectively experienced.
The recent celebration of the Victory Day on May 9th and the preceding and subsequent public discussions on the nature of commemorative practices of post-Soviet official dates in Kyrgyzstan prompted us to think about the concept of power and the ongoing approaches and attitudes of the post-Soviet memory in contemporary Central Asian countries. Memory and official commemoration of historical figures and events are always about inclusion and exclusion, remembering and forgetting. Different versions of the past that evoke various collective and individual emotions that serve different social, political, and psychological purposes. Memory is often shaped and produced through narratives of the present which are being individually and collectively experienced.
It is never fixed and static: What we choose to remember or forget, celebrate or condemn tells us more about the present context than about the historical past.
Bearing this in mind, Aijan Sharshenova, a political scientist, and Zarina Adambussinova, a social anthropologist, teamed up to have a closer look at contemporary memory sites of the present-day Bishkek in order to identify nostalgic experiences and Soviet nostalgic discourses, ranging from the official commemorative events to informal and small-scale memory practices.
The images of the past serve to legitimate a present social order through participation in memory practices, such as commemorative ceremonies or ritual performances and bodily practices.
Nowadays, a variety of conceptual works and approaches has been elaborated in the international and interdisciplinary field of Memory Studies. Paul Connerton, a social anthropologist, argues that the images of the past serve to legitimate a present social order through participation in memory practices, such as commemorative ceremonies or ritual performances and bodily practices. According to Jan and Aleida Assmann, one can generally distinguish three types of memory: the individual is generated at the inner level and significant for our neuro-system; the communicative one occurs in everyday interaction and communication; and, finally, the cultural one emerges in the cultural sphere and institutions where external symbols enormously contribute to the consolidation of a group and sharing its common narratives and memories. For the purpose of the present long-read, we would like to focus on various forms of collective remembering connected to specific sites as memory tends to be place-oriented and place-supported. In this regard, we would first introduce the influential concept of memory sites elaborated by a French philosopher and historian Pierre Nora and look through this lens at certain public places of contemporary Bishkek.
On Memory Sites:
The Phenomenon of Post-Soviet Nostalgia
Any collective memory exists thanks to places of memory
As we mentioned before, we largely rely on the idea of memory sites (lieu de memoire) of Pierre Nora. Memory Sites or mnemonic places are the basic of Nora's conceptual reflections on the complex relationship between history and memory. According to Nora, memory sites could be seen as "any significant phenomenon, materialized or intangible in nature, which by human will or under the influence of time has acquires the meaning of a symbol in the memorial heritage of a community".¹ Any collective memory exists thanks to places of memory and its various material and symbolic forms accompanied with a specific agenda or functions. During our exploration of contemporary memory sites and memory practices in Bishkek, we discovered a powerful central theme that permeates and connects individual, collective, and official processes of remembering: the post-Soviet nostalgia. In this sense, the post-Soviet nostalgia is understood as a sentimental longing for the Soviet past (Kalinina 2014).
Any turbulent political and social changes in a country or society might trigger nostalgic responses in different ways. For our case, we largely focus on the phenomenon of post-Socialist or post-Soviet nostalgia first occurred in both academic and public discourses in East and Central European countries. This type of nostalgia is frequently labeled as nostomania (the definition of Boyer) in a way to show the "obsessional essence" of similar nostalgic experiences in different countries of the region. Nostalgic discourses in these countries tend to have a more negative connotation, in many cases, associated with nation-building, commercialization, branding, and entertainment. It is evoked by capitalist transformation, especially market-oriented economy and democratic views and values. Some studies also show how this type of nostalgia as a kind of therapeutic tool to heal different traumatic past experiences caused by the collapse of the Socialist system. It is largely applied by individuals who experience mistrust in the future, feel marginalized, disappointed or even disenfranchized in a newly-emerged social order that has been created through the transition process.
Categories of Soviet memory sites in Bishkek
Throughout our long city walks and daily observations, we have identified several types of Soviet memory sites which seem to articulate and commemorate the post-Soviet nostalgia for different social groups in the present-day Bishkek. Precisely, we discovered several categories of Soviet memory sites in Bishkek.
  • 1
    There are the Soviet memory sites that are instrumentalized, i.e., they are used to pursue certain socio-political goals.
  • 2
    The second category of memory sites relate to commercialized memory, which can be found anywhere from the city's flea markets to hospitality and food industries (think of the many varieties of Soviet plombir ice cream available in shops).
  • 3
    The third category one can be found in shared interest public locations (e.g. thematic cafes), where people gather to reminisce about their Soviet past for a therapeutic effect.
  • 4
    Finally, Soviet memory sites are deeply embedded into the official toponymy of the contemporary Bishkek: All four districts of Bishkek: Pervomaiskiy, Oktyabrskiy, Leninskiy and Sverdlovskiy are deeply rooted in the Communist ideology of the Soviet past.
In the section below, we would like to focus on each category of post-Soviet memory sites, practices, names, and other phenomena in depth and share some interesting insights into the notion of post-Soviet nostalgia in Bishkek.
Instrumentalization
of Post-Soviet Nostalgia
Soviet ideological messages, narratives and values accompanied an individual from birth to death
Whether you agree or disagree with the Soviet ideology, one cannot deny the sheer scope of its application throughout the society's most intimate aspects. From kindergartens to universities, from army service to work places, from all-pervasive radios on each lamppost in every village – the Soviet ideological messages, narratives and values accompanied an individual from birth to death. This relentless and systematic approach to shaping and building a Homo Soveticus, a Soviet citizen, is not unique as each and every empire in the history of humankind invested copious amount of effort and resources into creating a perfect citizen.

The Soviet effort resulted in what we witness and experience nowadays when we (as people born in the USSR or born to the people, who were born in the USSR) watch Soviet films, cartoons, choose Soviet plombir ice cream, and enjoy Soviet pop music even though all these products seem out of place and space in the contemporary globalized world.
The Soviet ideological mill has certainly changed with the collapse of the Soviet Union. Whatever has been left of it was used by the former Soviet republics in one way or another. As the de facto successor state of the Soviet Union, the Russian Federation has inherited an unprecedentedly huge range of military, economic, political, and ideological instruments, processes, and know-hows. While some part of this rich heritage might have been unused or even lost in the turmoil of the wild 1990s, Russia still has a significant number of advantages when it comes to using its soft power abroad.
Post-Soviet nostalgia in Bishkek stays strong in certain age and social groups in a natural organic way.
Standing on the shoulders of the Soviet soft power giants, Russia has reinvented, reimagined, and revitalized its reach to the hearts and minds of foreign publics, who now include the former Soviet republics. While the mastery and subtlety of Russian soft power is subject to debates, the Soviet shared past remains a strong element of Russia's domestic public identity and a valid memory politics tool abroad. Post-Soviet nostalgia in Bishkek stays strong in certain age and social groups in a natural organic way. However, it is also supported and informed by Russia's soft power and public diplomacy efforts on the ground. These efforts include regular cooperation with the Russian Drama Theater, the Mikhail Frunze Memorial Home-Museum, and the support provided to the running of the Immortal Regiment in Bishkek.
The Russian Drama Theater
The Russian Drama Theater was officially established in 1935 by a core group of 35 artists graduated of the State Institute for Theater named after A. V. Lunacharskiy in Moscow. In 1936, the Theatre of Spectators' Theater was arranged as part of the local Russian Drama Theater. Later, in 1939, the Theater was renamed as the State Russian Drama Theater named after N. K. Krupskaya. In the post-1991 independent period, the Theater has been renamed several times. Its most recent renaming took place in 2008: Since then, it is called the State National Russian Drama Theater named after Chingiz Aitmatov, a prominent Kyrgyz writer. One can note a small bust of the writer and a quote in front of the theater.

In the early years of its operation, the Theater did not have its own building and shared the building with the Kyrgyz Drama Theater. According to the archive data, throughout the Soviet times the Theater's repertoire included a variety of the famous works of the Russian, West European and even Kyrgyz literature, for example, "Marriage of Figaro" by Wolfgang Amadeus Mozart, "Bride" by Alexander Ostrovskiy, "The folk's singer" (on Toktogul). As a regular Soviet theater, the Russian Drama Theater did not only host theatrical performances, but also organized short- or long-term training courses for the local artists interested in musical education, the history of theater, acting, and etc. Among other state-run cultural institutions in the Union, the Theater also served as a propaganda tool promoting Communist ideas and values among working people by familiarizing them with so-called 'the Soviet culture'. Similar to the museum activities, the Theater regularly arranged small-scale tours around the regions presenting a full program of performances for local residents, including the remote areas and villages of the country. The Theater enjoyed its generous state funding by arranging tours to neighboring Alma-Ata and some cities in Russian SSR, such as Kostroma, Norilsk, Krasnoyarsk and many others.
Throughout the 1990s and 2000s, the cultural institution frequently suffered from a lack of state and public funding for organizing new performances, minor refurbishment works, salaries and basic communal services. As many other sites of public culture, the Theater faced financial struggles in the 2000s, and the Theater's management rented a part of the building to small-scale businesses in order to make money and cover basic needs. In 2019, the Theater started the process of removing the cafes and restaurants latched to the building, and received some funding from the state to cover its renovation costs ². In addition, it is reported that the Theater sometimes received some support, including the financial one (according to the archive data), from Russia through Rossotrudnichestvo in the form of training ³ or tours to Russia ⁴ . Nowadays, the institution receives a regular support from a range of private sponsors, including Kulikovskiy, Elite House, as well as public organizations connected with Russia.

The contemporary theater's repertoire offers the works of the Russian classic literature, such as "The Government Inspector" by Nikolay Gogol and "Thunderstorm" by Alexander Ostrovskiy. In addition, more contemporary performances based on the modern literature, such as "The Kosmos Day" by Evgeniy Ungard, "Dura i Durochka" by Grigoriy Berkovich are available for Bishkek's theater spectators. Surprisingly enough, the theatre staff members are actively involved into various collaborations with the local organizations and representations affiliated with Russia, such as the Coordination Council of Russian Compatriots ⁵ or the Union of Female Compatriots ⁶. Remarkably, this year, the Theater's actors and actresses were spotted leading the official events and performances dedicated to annual celebration of the Victory Day on May 9th, including the Bessmertnyi Polk (Immortal Regiment). It could be assumed that the Theater performs as an informal community place for ethnic Russians and some Russian-speaking citizens.
The Home Museum of Mikhail Frunze
Another example of a memory site that supports the instrumentalized post-Soviet nostalgia is the Home Museum of Mikhail Frunze, a Soviet politician and revolutionary. The Memorial Museum was grounded in 1936 as a small-scale museum of Revolution telling stories about the life and revolutionary activities of Mikhail Frunze whose family lived and worked in pre-Soviet Bishkek. The Museum was arranged in a tiny family house, including a pharmacy of Frunze's father. Later, in the 1950s, acknowledged as the heyday time of the Soviet museology, the museum building experienced extensive reconstruction works and huge changes in the display content as well. The Home Museum acted as a typical Soviet memorial museum that actively promoted Communist propaganda through a variety of museum activities, such as mobile lectures and exhibitions, museum tours mostly arranged for local schoolchildren, different labor collectives and political groups as well as guests of the city. Similar to the Theater, the museum staff members frequently allowed themselves to arrange business trips to the famous and influential museums of the USSR placed in Moscow, Leningrad (Saint Petersburg), Minks and Kiev, such as Museum of Revolution, Museum of Lenin, the Museums for Regional Studies (kraievedcheskie). These cultural institutions operated as both the cultural and museum educational hub which offered the best practices in the Soviet museum management. For the museum staff, business trips to the European part of the Union were also an essential element of their further qualification and education but also collecting exhibits for the museum display and storage. In regard to the collection, copies of the official archive documents, books, some furniture items bought in antique shops, memories of Frunze's colleagues and relatives were considered as the basic museum objects.
Nowadays, there are constant internal discussions and regular attempts from the side of several public figures either to shut the Home Museum completely down or rearrange it into the City Museum of Bishkek. The second option is a wide-spread practice-decision related to the fate of numerous former memorial museums observed across post-Socialist countries. Compared with neighboring Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan, where the state authorities intensively implement own state-sponsored top-down heritage policy, the Home Museum of Mikhail Frunze in Bishkek remains to operate as the memorial museum offering a Soviet-planned display content with slightly updated exhibition sections related to the independent period of the country attracting a number of the capital's foreign guests. The museum staff members attempt to keep arranging the same museum events and activities established in the Soviet period. Most of them are mainly directed to the local schoolchildren (of the certain schools) and the National Guard cadets as well. Similar to the Theater, the Home Museum also cooperates with organizations connected to Russia.
The Immortal Regiment
The Immortal Regiment refers to a public commemorative walk held annually on the Victory Day, May 9th in the former Soviet republics. People walk across cities, towns and villages bearing photographs of their ancestors, who fought or otherwise contributed to the World War II on the Soviet side or so-called Great Patriotic War. The first ever Immortal Regiment in its current shape and form took place in Tomsk in 2012 and was organized by a media company. The original motivation behind the Immortal Regiment was to collect and preserve individual stories of the WWII participants, which have often been overlooked by the grandeur of the official WWII government narratives of both the Soviet Union and Russia. The idea of reviving the memories of the World War II through individual stories of the WWII participants was so wildly popular it spread like fire across Russia and beyond.
In 2022, the original founders of the Immortal Regiment distanced themselves from the regiment due to concerns of how it would be used to support Russia's war in Ukraine.
However, in 2015, the idea has been taken over by the Russian state as it attempted to instrumentalize this originally grass-roots initiative in order to use memory and kinship as building blocks for the state narratives of citizenship and patriotism (Fedor 2017). Now there are two websites and two public foundations that have a claim to the Immortal Regiment. The first, original organization runs the website https://www.moypolk.ru In 2022, the original founders of the Immortal Regiment distanced themselves from the regiment due to concerns of how it would be used to support Russia's war in Ukraine ⁷ . In addition to this, there is a state sanctioned "All-Russian public civic-patriotic movement "Immortal Regiment Russia" headed by Nikolai Zemtsev, a member of Russian parliament https://www.polkrf.ru/.

Meanwhile, in Kyrgyzstan, the Immortal Regiment 2022 got even more complicated. After two years of the global pandemic, Kyrgyz authorities finally managed to run some public events devoted to the victory in the World War II ⁸ . The two main events of the Victory Day were the "requiem meeting" (commemoration) attended by the President Sadyr Japarov and the Immortal Regiment walk across the capital city of Bishkek attended by 15,000 people.

The variety and intensity of visual displays of various identities, socio-cultural and political positions indicate that the Soviet past has not been address in a comprehensive, open and honest manner.
While the Victory Day in Bishkek was held in a peaceful way, it was riddled with hidden public controversies.
As we walked with the Kyrgyz Immortal Regiment on the day, we witnessed a sea of people, who came there for a variety of reasons. The majority attendees simply wished to commemorate the contribution and the enormous sacrifice of their parents and grandparents to the World War II. However, there were some people, who walked to express their support to Russia in what they define as Russia's self-defense against NATO forces and the generic West. Some of this people wore the pro-war Z insignia in orange and black, the colors of St. George's ribbon – nowadays a symbol of Putin's foreign policy. The Z symbol was actually banned from wearing in public and could lead to a fine of 5500 KGS ⁹ .

While the Victory Day in Bishkek was held in a peaceful way, it was riddled with hidden public controversies. One could witness the battle of ideas, symbols, positions and identities on the day as people walked with symbols of Russian propaganda (Z insignia, orange-and-black St. George's ribbons, Russian flag ribbons), Soviet nostalgia (Soviet flags and uniforms), and independent Kyrgyz symbols (Kyrgyz flags, traditional elements of clothing, patterns and embroidery). The variety and intensity of visual displays of various identities, socio-cultural and political positions indicate that the Soviet past has not been address in a comprehensive, open and honest manner. This lack of public and official discussion to understand what our shared past means for all of us results in numerous interpretations and exploitations of shared memories, including the sacred memory of the World War II.
Commercialization
of Post-Soviet Nostalgia
A great deal
of scholarly attention
has been given to the critical conceptualization of the notion of the commercialized nostalgia in the context of so-called 'heritage industry'
After illustrating the sites of official remembering of the Soviet past in Bishkek, we would now shift our attention to the mundane places of everyday life which articulate the post-Soviet nostalgia. We have managed to identify two groups of them: the memory sites of commercialized nostalgia and the entertainment sites which are also associated with commodification but more frequently used by individuals through the engagement with a place and its unique atmosphere for collective remembering of their lost 'home'. A great deal of scholarly attention has been given to the critical conceptualization of the notion of the commercialized nostalgia in the context of so-called 'heritage industry', especially in Western European countries. With regard to the post-Socialist and post-Soviet nostalgia, the study of Yekaterina Kalinina (2014) on mediating the post-Soviet nostalgia in the popular culture in contemporary Russia. In her work, the scholar puts a major emphasis on a crucial shift from critical and reflective elements of nostalgia emerged in the early 1990s in the official discourse to the commercial and political uses of the Soviet past in later periods. These processes have produced a great confusion around the term of nostalgia that nobody today would describe it as nostalgic.
Flea markets in Bishkek
In the modern-day Bishkek, the urban flea markets could be assumed as one of the first touristic attractions and beloved sites among numerous foreign guests and so-called 'flea-market addicts'. Such places play an essential role in both in the city and public life of Bishkek and, of course, its local history. One of the vivid city flea markets spontaneously appeared on Yunusaliev/Karl Marx Street close to the Ortosay bazaar in the 1990s and 2000s is open now every single weekend. During the week, one can also meet here some solo vendors selling second-hand clothes, seasonal vegetables, fruits or nuts, old Soviet classic literature mostly available in Russian but also the objects of Soviet everyday life. Another one is located in the area next to the Osh bazaar. One can also note a few ordinary people street vending at the intersection of Baytik Batyr/Sovetskaya Street between Moskovskaya and Bokonbayev Streets.
There is a group of vendors who consider street retailing the old Soviet-era things as more business-like
The Ortosay flea market is located in the South and it stretches narrowly along Yunusaliev street attracting a number of visitors and customers from different city parts. There is always a unique and appealing atmosphere of open-air people's gathering on the flea market where shoppers slowly and carefully watch the 'museum objects', vendors talk to each other or to foreign customers searching for great deals. Most of the local vendors are elderly people who arrange themselves along the street presenting their treasures carefully displayed right on the ground. Along with non-professional or owners of the stuff they sell, there is a group of vendors who consider street retailing the old Soviet-era things as more business-like having own network of colleagues and specializing either only in books or post stamps, badges and other items typical for Soviet collectors. One can often see pensioners vending "odds and ends" and second-hand clothes or plants brought from home. Among the books published in the Soviet period, the buyers can find on the market a wide range of various objects, such as cameras (you can easily find here the most desired Zenit), Soviet badges of various shapes and forms and of different professional associations and affiliations, antique coins and Soviet rubles, military hats, porcelain figurines, candle holders, and etc.
Food and cafes
Those nostalgic of the Soviet period reimagine and recreate the everyday life of the Soviet Union
While Bishkek's vibrant flea markets are home to the numerous tourists visiting the Kyrgyz capital, most locals prefer to engage in post-Soviet nostalgia through food and entertainment. In both cases, "Made in the USSR" sigil is often perceived as a seal of excellence. Local and Russian TV channels regularly run and re-run old Soviet films and cartoons. The New Year's Eve is unimaginable without "The Irony of Fate, or I Hope You Enjoyed Your Bath" film running simultaneously on each cable network available to a Bishkek dweller. In the same manner, the Victory Day is a certain opportunity to rewatch one's favorite war films.

In addition to the availability of Soviet-era big and small screen entertainment, those nostalgic of the Soviet period reimagine and recreate the everyday life of the Soviet Union through table talk, food sharing and going out experience. Hospitality, restaurant and café industry is certainly aware of this, and, like any good business would do, taps into the commercial potential of the post-Soviet nostalgia in Bishkek. Even larger supermarket chains of Bishkek display a variety of grocery brands, some of which use references to Soviet quality, Soviet recipes or Soviet visuals to sell. For example, this is widely used for ice cream and beer brands – the universally affordable and massively popular treats of the Soviet period.
However, if you want to have a fuller immersion, there are little pockets of commercialized Soviet reality in the city of Bishkek. One of them is a café and pub GlavPivTrest (abbreviation for the Main Beer Trust) located in a residential area of the Southern Bishkek. For about 15 years, GlavPivTrest has built a reputation for its shashlik and an ever-growing collection of Soviet memorabilia and Soviet interior design esthetics. Soviet republics' flags, rows of the Lenin-Marx-Engels busts and numerous Soviet posters create an immersive experience of an imagined, glamourized Soviet past. The use of Soviet esthetics at this café feels commercialized as it draws an image of fantasy nostalgia (see more on fantasy nostalgia in Gammon 2002). Interestingly the Soviet visuals are mixed with what looks like American retro pin-up esthetics.
The use of Soviet memory to sell goods and services in the contemporary Bishkek is not unique, but it is quite curious. What is positioned as Soviet often reflects a past that is personally and collectively formulated, idealized and marketed to certain age and social groups.
For example, based on our visits and observations to GlavPivTrest, the café's patrons seem to be fairly young (18-55) and ethnically diverse Russian speakers. It also seemed that the groups of patrons at the café are regulars and local residents, who use the café to reconnect and celebrate occasions, i.e. there is a very strong social connection element present rather than a pure focus on food consumption.
Nostalgia as a
Therapeutic Practice
Nostalgia evokes pleasant memories about the past. It often tends to idealize and even romanticize the past events.
In psychology, therapy or counselling refers to a practice of exploring human life experiences with the purpose of helping individuals and improving their mental well-being. Collective and individual nostalgia can be an amateur way to serve individuals and groups the same purpose. Nostalgia evokes pleasant memories about the past. It often tends to idealize and even romanticize the past events. In all memory sites and practices, we have considered here, there is always a place for nostalgia as a therapeutic feeling. In many cases, this is an individual process of memorialization or remembering by a close engagement with certain places, heritage sites, and practices such as a city, a monument, a building, a public place, landscapes, a street, a shop etc. As we mentioned above, memory requires to be linked to a particular location or place and practices which can evoke collective memories. Such places prompt and help individuals to share the same needs for satisfying their longing for the Soviet past, where they can meet in a familiar and cozy atmosphere with friends and enjoy together communication that mostly occurs in the form of remembering and reminiscing. That gives a clear meaning and sense to our visits of such sites.

In all our examples, there is always place for nostalgia as therapy for a certain social group of Bishkek, especially for older generations, who pursue socializing, communicating, talking about the recent events of their lives with those who have the same attitude and understanding. Most of them remain committed to be 'Soviet' in the way of thinking and living as they did not find themselves in a new present and social order. At the same time, such nostalgic feelings and emotions are being employed by other influential groups for their large-scale manipulative and, perhaps dangerous, political games.
Chaikhana Anar
To our surprise we spotted a thematic USSR tearoom
In the course of our fieldwork, which largely included exploration of Bishkek to find Soviet pockets of memory, we discovered a curious place. Chaikhana (literally "teahouse", a café in Southern Bishkek) Anar is not too different from other similar types of cafes that usually host smaller groups of people. However, what is different is that Anar has a variety of thematic tearooms such as Dubai, Istanbul and so on. To our surprise we spotted a thematic USSR tearoom, which seemed out of space given the geographic principle of the rooms' arrangement. We were told the USSR tearoom was an idea of the café's owner, whose family managed to recreate the esthetics of the Soviet period.
Unlike other cafes that use post-Soviet nostalgia, café Anar provides a less glamourized and more authentic home interior design using original furniture and décor pieces meticulously collected via online ads and the city's flea markets. For this reason, we included the café to our category of a nostalgic location rather than a commercialized memory site. As we sit sipping our tea surrounded with old phones, clocks and chairs, we do feel like in a time machine that brought us back to an average Soviet flat. This is the main reason why this tearoom is popular with groups of older people – those, who have actually lived in similar interiors. Friendly waiters share how the tearooms regulars keep their conversations going as they use the elements of the interior to reminisce about the old good times.

The existence of such pockets of Soviet reality goes beyond attracting customers or glorifying the past, it is also an opportunity to find a safe place in the ever-changing fast-paced world. The collapse of the Soviet Union was a major disruption not only to the economic and military infrastructure and the international order, it has also taken an enormous human toll. Millions of former Soviet citizens had to adapt and adjust to new realities and reinvent their identities. To what extent each personal transition has been successful is a profound story to tell. However, the existence of such collective nostalgia places like Chaikhana Anar is a strong indication that the past needs to be talked about, lived through, and, this could help us all get the much-needed individual and collective therapeutic effect.
Soviet Toponymy
The majority of the city's infrastructure, as well as the city's toponymy was established in the Soviet times
The need to address and talk through the shared Soviet past, what it means to Bishkek as a city and to its residents as individuals is required at a larger level too. There is an omnipresent ambiguity towards the Soviet past that is manifested in the city's toponymy. The city of Bishkek was largely built up in the Soviet times. There were a limited number of buildings in the pre-Soviet period, when the city sat at the crossroads of highways to and from other Tsarist colonial settlements in Central Asia. In the past 30 years, the city acquired a significant number of newly built residential and commercial high rises. But the majority of the city's infrastructure, as well as the city's toponymy was established in the Soviet times.

Bishkek consists of four large districts: Pervomaiskiy, Oktyabrskiy, Leninskiy and Sverdlovskiy. Each name is rooted in the Soviet dates and names. For example, Pervomaiskiy refers to the May 1st, the Labor Day – one of key Soviet public holidays. Oktyabrskiy links to the Great October Socialist Revolution of 1917, the milestone event, which signifies the birth of the Soviet state. Leninskiy is connected with Vladimir Ilyich Lenin, the father of Soviet ideology. And, finally, Sverdlovskiy is named after Jacob Sverdlov, a Russian revolutionary and a leader of the October Revolution.
Surprisingly enough, the names of the Bishkek districts stayed the same reflecting on the duality of the state's approach to the Soviet past.
When the Union collapsed and all fifteen former Soviet Republics embarked on their individual state- and nation-building projects, Kyrgyz leadership of the time also attempted to establish a non-Soviet foundation of civic citizenship and national ideology in Kyrgyzstan. These efforts were reflected in the revision of school curricula, introduction of state symbols, and renaming of streets and settlements across the country. For example, Bishkek's main transport arteries were renamed: the Lenin Avenue became Chuy Avenue; Belinsky Street is now divided into two parts named after Kyrgyz writer Chingiz Aitmatov and Kyrgyz epos hero Manas.

Surprisingly enough, the names of the Bishkek districts stayed the same reflecting on the duality of the state's approach to the Soviet past. On one hand, the state displays the urge to rename locations and get rid of the Soviet past altogether. On the other hands, there seems to be a lack of effort to engage in a deeper and more meaningful way with the renaming process. Again, there is a need to openly discuss the Soviet past without instrumentalizing it either for external or domestic ethno-nationalist purposes.
Conclusion
The phenomenon of the post-Soviet nostalgia in contemporary Bishkek appears in numerous faces and dimensions
As we attempted to show above, the phenomenon of the post-Soviet nostalgia in contemporary Bishkek appears in numerous faces and dimensions. It is precisely characterized by a multi-layered and controversial nature which differently experienced and variously exploited by different social groups for different circumstances of the present. Over 30 years after having become a sovereign state, Kyrgyzstan struggles to come into terms with its own past: both official and public narratives of the Soviet past demonstrate a curious duality of acceptance and rejection, remembering and forgetting. As a small, low-income country, Kyrgyzstan does not have financial means to design and implement a large-scale national top-down heritage policy as it has been done in Kazakhstan and Uzbekistan. Neither is there any political will to identify and declare a clear official position in regard to the Soviet past. There are, however, emerging public and official discussions on the Soviet history or specific historical events such as 1916, basmachestvo, or Stalin's purges and deportations that shaped the ethnic and cultural make-up of Central Asia in general and Kyrgyzstan in particular.
About Authors
Zarina Adambussinova, PhD, American University of Central Asia, adambussinova_z@auca.kg
Aijan Sharshenova, PhD, OSCE Academy in Bishkek, a.sharshenova@osce-academy.net
Acknowledgements
The authors would like to thank the Esimde platform for the financial support and encouragement of the study. The current paper is a part of the "Living Memory 2021-2022 School" organized by Esimde, Kyrgyz Republic. The views and opinions expressed in this article are those of the authors and do not necessarily reflect the official policies or positions of the authors' employers or associated organizations.
Resources
¹ Rethinking France: Les Lieux de Memoire. Volume 1: The State (London, 2001), p. vii-xxii.

² https://24.kg/obschestvo/222572_takim_ego_uje_nepo...

³ https://www.vb.kg/doc/406798_proekt_stanislavsky._...

http://korsovet.kg/new/Russkiy_teatr_iz_Bishkeka_v...

http://korsovet.kg/

https://www.instagram.com/ssrfkg/

⁷ The Immortal Regiment initiative, April 22nd, 2022: "The Immortal Regiment: We do not change our principles", available at
https://www.moypolk.ru/news/bessmertnyy-polk-princ...

⁸ Azattyk, RFE/RL Kyrgyz Service: "May 9th in Kyrgyzstan was held without the parade", available at https://rus.azattyk.org/a/31840960.html

⁹ https://kaktus.media/doc/458669_gknb_prizval_gorojan_ne_nadevat_na_shestvie_bessmertnogo_polka_voennyu_formy_s_z.html

Photos are taken from State Film Archive of Kyrgyz Republic and by Ulan Gabdushev

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