cabar.asia
More Pressure on Media in Central Asian States
The situation with the freedom of speech in Central Asia has become worse over the last few years. The countries of the region apply new restrictions to bloggers and the media, block websites and close editorial offices, while detaining and initiating criminal cases against journalists.

CABAR.asia spoke to editors of media outlets about what is happening to journalism in the states of Central Asia today and what challenges and restrictions are faced by the media.
KAZAKHSTAN
Lukpan Akhmedyarov, journalist, founder of YouTube project "Just journalism"
The life of 48-year-old journalist Lukpan Akhmedyarov of Uralsk, Western Kazakhstan region, can be called the reflection of the history of Kazakhstan journalism over the last twenty-five years. He started his journalism career in 2001 with the "Uralskaya nedelya" [Uralsk Week] newspaper. This rare regional outlet criticises the work of authorities. Most often, regional media outlets are loyal to government agencies.

Lukpan and the outlet were often persecuted. Thus, "Tengizneftestroi" company filed a lawsuit against Akhmedyarov and "Uralskaya nedelya" in 2010 over infliction of moral damage. The reason was the article about "Tengizneftestroi" having started the project long before the tender for construction of gas pipeline Zhympity-Karatobe was held.

In 2011, Lukpan was arrested for 5 days for standing against the referendum on the extension of powers of Nursultan Nazarbayev, ex-president of Kazakhstan, who had been ruling the country for over 20 years at the time.

In 2012, an armed attack against Lukpan Akhmedyarov was carried out because of his journalistic activity. The attackers who nearly killed the journalist were imprisoned, but masterminds were never found.

Lukpan had worked with "Uralskaya nedelya" until 2021 (as an editor-in-chief since 2013). Now Lukpan works in the new media format – together with his colleague Raul Uporov he opened the YouTube project "Just journalism". The tandem of journalists makes documentaries on social and political issues.
Lukpan, how do you view the evolution of journalism in Kazakhstan?
— The independent journalism of Kazakhstan has developed from opinion-based journalism to narrowcasting journalism. Such resources as ProTenge (monitors the budgetary expenditures – Editor's note) by Dzhamilya Maricheva, Factcheck.kz (fact checking of news – Editor's note), YouTube channels working at the intersection of journalism and blogging change the public perception of any issues in focus.

For example, domestic violence. If the case of Kuandyk Bishimbaev (ex-minister of economy charged of his wife's murdering – Editor's note) took place 15 years ago, the public would have had a different reaction. Most probably, the case would not have come to trial. The shift was possible due to small media outlets, bloggers, journalists, who wrote about violence from time to time.

The public attitude towards corruption is also changing just like the attitude towards the budget and authorities. It is easier now for journalists to write about local government, transparency of budgetary and electoral processes. Despite the fact that there is no freedom of speech in Kazakhstan, parliamentary journalism has emerged.
Which events in the political and social spheres have had most impact on the work of journalists in Kazakhstan?
— Journalists' attitude towards the audience used to be paternalistic, 'We shape public opinion, we will show where to head for.' It was the legacy of the press from the Soviet Union. The press was the voice of state ideology propaganda. Currently, the press is not the leader, and a journalist is not the one who shapes public opinion. With the emergence of internet, we, journalists, began to get feedback and learned to discern it. When you read hate comments organised by authorities via troll farms, it is one thing. Another thing is when you get real people's comments and they bring you as an author to senses.

Media space in Kazakhstan has been undergoing cleansing from the state all these years. Authorities have made 90 per cent of regional and central press dependent on public information contracts. Journalists began to leave such media outlets and create their projects.
What challenges have been faced by journalists at different times?
— One of the challenges is the intention of authorities to introduce censorship in Kazakhstan. Authorities want to make journalists have self-censorship just like in the Russian media. For example, a building has exploded and journalists use the word 'boom' instead of 'explosion' right after officials. Your house has just broken into pieces, who told you it was just a boom?

If we use the words 'our president', 'head of our state' regarding authorities, the journalism will end right there, and we will have public relations instead. It is crucially important to me to self-test myself to check if I am not one of the voice of authorities.

It is also important for us not to become marginalised. We become marginalised only when we follow the principle "What authorities tell is bad and cannot be trusted." It is essential to maintain the 'see from above' attitude. However, it is not always possible. And we take different sides from time to time.
The state keeps on repeating that it creates conditions for the freedom of speech. Do you agree with it?
— When the state assures you that it creates all conditions for the freedom of speech in Kazakhstan – it is cynical. Saying that several TV channels funded by the state means diversity is like saying that diverse species of annelids means biodiversity. The state propagates the forms of the same voice of propaganda: talk shows, themed programmes that broadcast news at the same time, yet all newscasts are rewritten press releases.
What challenges and opportunities do you think the Kazakhstan journalism will have in future, especially in terms of changing media environment and political background?
— Kazakh-language media has gone a difficult yet impressive way over 30 years. 20 years ago, the phrase 'Kazakh-language press' would draw associations with a district newspaper. There are now publications that issue economic reviews, analysis and political reviews in the Kazakh language.

We have to go through the linguistic division and then we will come to unity. If we look now what the Russian-language and Kazakh-language press write about, they write about different themes and issues. It will take some time before both audiences become concerned about the same issues.

More young people get interested in journalism. Journalists of my generation have a warped conception of journalism as a social benefit that is distributed unequally, while journalists have access to it. We used to choose profession as livelihood, but now that is not the point. The point is what should be done to make changes come true.
KYRGYZSTAN
Dilbar Alimova
, 'Politklinika' editor-in-chief
In 2013, 'Politklinika' emerged as a small Kyrgyz-language newspaper. For 10 years of work led by editor-in-chief Dilbar Alimova, it became a serious internet outlet and a vivid representative of independent and investigative journalism in Kyrgyzstan. It has encountered criticism and pressure from the authorities these years.

In 2020, the unknown people broke into the office of 'Politklinika' and stole a hard disk.

In early 2023, the state TV channel 'ElTR' filed a lawsuit against the outlet for 10 million Kyrgyz som (112.2 thousand dollars) over the material where the video of the TV channel was analysed. The court partially sustained the case and bound the outlet to publish a correction.

In May of the same year, GKNB called Dilbar Alimova in for questioning because of the publication of a letter, where the Speaker of Parliament allegedly asked the prosecutor to rehabilitate ex-president of the Kyrgyz Republic Kurmanbek Bakiev.

In January 2024, GKNB performed searches and arrested 11 journalists, including Tynystan Asypbekov, employee of 'Politklinika'. It was the largest arrest of media employees in the history of independent Kyrgyzstan. Currently, seven people, including Asypbekov, are released under house arrest. Four others are still detained in the pre-trial detention facility.

At the same time, national authorities impose more restrictions on media and bloggers – a law on fake news works against the media, the so-called 'foreign agent law' has been passed, the ministry of culture wants to return the article on defamation and insults, and the new media law is being revised. In the last few years, a series of detentions of journalists, bloggers and akyns have taken place, online editions have been blocked and closed in the country. Independent media and investigative journalism are mainly at risk.

Despite all the difficulties, Dilbar Alimova said that 'Politklinika' would keep on working as usual.
It is clear that it becomes unsafe for journalists of Kyrgyzstan to criticise authorities. Do you feel that the stakes for independent journalism in the country became higher?
— It became very dangerous for journalists, and for all citizens to criticise authorities. In practice, it is obvious that anyone can be detained if the law does not work. Independent journalism is facing hardship and difficulties. It is unknown whether there would be survivors or not.

Journalists must do their job without hindrance. Authorities must obey the law and ensure the rights secured by the Constitution.
Attempts to restrict the freedom of speech have been made almost by every ex-head of state. Do you think current situation is different from previous ones?
— Unfortunately, the freedom of speech has been under pressure at all administrations. However, the current government performs it by sophisticated, unprecedented methods. The methods are tough and illegal. Various attacks are performed from different sides.

Adoption of laws allowing censorship one by one, ongoing cases against every media outlet, arrests of journalists, activists, we have not seen such pressure for 30 years.
11 detained journalists is a record number for Kyrgyzstan. Do you seen any prospects for the media?
— Yes, the arrest and detention of 11 journalists at a time was a record-breaking. We have never seen such things before. It makes no sense to arrest journalists who left the team two years ago and who have nothing to do with the case of calls to mass disorders in point (it refers to journalists that worked with the 'Temirov Live' project before – Editor's note). In the last four months, investigators could not give any proofs to the journalists of their involvement in the criminal case.
The editorial office and employees were also under pressure. Have you ever thought that it was not worth it?
— Yes, our office has faced a series of attacks. We have had lawsuits, complaints to block our website, our journalist is in prison (Tynystan Asypbekov was released under house arrest on April 9 – Editor's note). However, we know that our journalism is conscientious, we have done nothing wrong to the state, we work according to international standards and journalistic ethics.

Let me emphasise that we are journalists, not enemies of the state. Vice versa, we help authorities to detect corruption schemes, create materials protecting the security of the state, work over improving media literacy skills of the people. Journalists are helping authorities. I want authorities to realise it.
How, in your opinion, current purges against journalists, bloggers and akyns will affect the Kyrgyz media? Will there be less criticism, more self-censorship, etc.?
— The pressure pays off. Some media outlets have to sell their shares, while others use self-censorship. I will not call their names, but I can feel self-censorship in private talks or in content of materials. [Journalists] are frightened of expressing themselves on particular issues. They do not prepare materials about 'sensitive' subjects. Media outlets criticising the government have almost disappeared. And this is very bad.

I believe that independent journalism will exist in the country against the odds, but there will be few [journalists and media outlets]. But I want to believe that everything would be fine in Kyrgyzstan.
TAJIKISTAN
Bakhmanyor Nadirov, editorial director of Asia-Plus
The situation with the freedom of speech and access to information in Tajikistan gets worse every year. Journalists always encounter difficulties in their activity – they are prosecuted, charged with criminal cases, and sentenced to serious terms in prison. Very few independent outlets in the country publish analytical materials and can afford to criticise the government.

CABAR.asia talked to Bakhmanyor Nadirov, editorial director of Asia-Plus, about the situation in the media market of the country and restrictions encountered by Tajik journalists.

He has been in the media sphere since 2010, and managed to work with 'Faraj' and 'Samak' newspapers, led the news agency SugdNews, and then joined the team of Asia-Plus, one of the leading news agencies in Tajikistan.

Despite all the hardships of journalism in Tajikistan, Bakhmanyor Nadirov feels confident that it is not just a profession, but also a way of fighting for the truth and help to people. He hopes that authorities would stop taking private media and journalists as enemies and would start cooperating with them according to existing laws, which ensure the free work of journalists.
How would you evaluate the condition of Tajik media today as a manager and a journalist?
— Tajik independent media are in a complex situation now: their financial stability is unstable, authorities keep on pushing against them, level of self-censorship is rising, access to information gets worse, the list of taboo themes becomes longer, both world events and events in particular countries get banned. […]

I mean only independent media because state Tajik media are fine: they are funded by the state budget, have good profits from subscriptions of state-funded organisations (newspapers and magazines) and commercial advertising (state TV channels). They are not allowed to write about many topics, just like independent media, but it suits them.

Activities of foreign media and private independent media are restricted in the country, and they face a problem of accreditation of journalists. Authorities try to delay and complicate the process of accreditation of foreign media employees by applying pressure to the editorial policies or decreasing the number of accredited full-time employees.

Activities of Tajik bloggers have recently come under strict control of the state. Like traditional media, they face restrictions that can influence the content of their materials and restrict the freedom of expression on the internet.
How freely is it allowed now to cover the current situation in the country and in the world?
— Tajik media and journalists have almost no freedom now. A couple of independent and foreign media still try to cover the situation objectively, but they cannot do it in full for the above reasons. They prefer to produce smooth content: they publish official news, tells stories of interesting people, write about culture, etc.

Independent media rarely publish critical materials about the policy of authorities, activities of the government or particular officials, corruption, other negative events in the country.

As to the situation and events in the world, there were no special bans on their coverage. But in the last two years, security agencies have tried to take control of such themes, too. Thus, in the very beginning of the war in Ukraine, representatives of these agencies 'recommended' the media not to cover the events. As a result, rare independent media write about the war, and they do it with caution.
Do you think the level of self-censorship has risen among media and journalists? What are the reasons behind it?
— Self-censorship of media and journalists has risen in recent years. Journalists are very cautious for any and no reason.

The reasons for increasing self-censorship among media and journalists are the facts of prosecution, intimidation, arrests, and sentences to journalists, as well as the closure of private media in recent years. No one wants to be another victim: media owners do not want to lose their business, journalists do not want to be in prison.

Cases of sentences to journalists have shown recently that the population defended by media and journalists fails to support them, and even testifies against them under the influence of law-enforcement bodies. Therefore, the increasing self-censorship among journalists is quite understandable and it seems to increase even more…
What can you tell about access to sources of information? Now officials fail to comply with one-month deadlines in their responses to media requests. Why do you think access to information sources gets worse constantly?
— The situation of access to information has become much worse: it was difficult previously to get data for analytical materials and investigations, now journalists have to spend much time and effort to have publicly available and current information confirmed.

As to official requests, journalists often wait for a response for several months. […] Journalists often get formal replies or unclear, incomplete answers to their requests.

Despite possible court appeal, the media and journalists almost never recourse to it in fear of troubles with state bodies. Many of them do not want to incur extra hardships or risks, and try to avoid any confrontation with authorities.
Some amendments to the Information Code of Tajikistan are being prepared, and, according to human rights activists, they will worsen the situation with the media. What do you know about it?
— It's true that the parliament is planning to pass the Information Code, which will incorporate several laws, mainly about access to information. I am partially aware of the code draft, and I can confirm that it has some provisions that potentially worsen the situation with the media and access to information. Media representatives have already made their comments and recommendations to improve the points in issue. However, it is still unclear what version of the code will be adopted.
Which measures can be taken to improve the freedom of speech situation and the role of journalists in Tajikistan?
— Compliance with existing, precisely formulated legal acts could significantly improve the situation of the media in the country, even without introduction of new amendments or measures. However, authorities seem not to follow them and they are not interested in improving the situation.

Improvement can occur if authorities stop taking private media and journalists as enemies and start cooperating with them, and obey the laws.
TURKMENISTAN
Farruh Yusupov, director of RFE/RL's Turkmen service (Radio Azatlyk)
Everyone stopped speaking about the freedom of speech in Turkmenistan a long time ago as it regularly ranks low on the World Press Freedom Index. And the situation is getting worse every year. The country has almost no independent media and journalists. Radio Azatlyk, the Radio Liberty's (RFE/RL) Turkmen service, is one of few foreign outlets that keeps on covering the situation in Turkmenistan.

It has worked in the country since 1953 and even after the collapse of the Soviet Union the editorial staff could never obtain accreditation. But, according to Farruh Yusupov, head of Radio Azatlyk, their correspondents could work more or less openly until 2018. But then provocations were organised against them. There were cases when they were beaten, arrested, sentenced to prison terms. Many of them had to stop their work, and the rest had to go underground.

He has been with Azatlyk for eight years and every morning starts with communication with correspondents on how safe they are and reminding them not to take risks while trying to obtain some information.
How do you evaluate the freedom of speech situation in Turkmenistan? What are the conditions where media outlets and journalists work today in the country?
— Turkmenistan has not had freedom of speech, including freedom of the press, for a long time. There are no independent journalists working openly in the country. Our correspondents, just like correspondents of other independent outlets, work underground. As far as I know, there are no journalists of international media there. There used to be correspondents of Reuters and AFP, but no publications from them in international outlets have been issued for a long time.

Since 2018, we had to ask all of our correspondents to go underground as it became very dangerous to work there. They always risked to be physically assaulted, and both correspondents and their relatives received threats.
How narrow are the limits of what may and may not be written by journalists about the domestic and global events?
— Speaking about the government press and pro-government outlets, there are so-called quasi-independent outlets, which reflect all the current events covered by official sources, government news outlets. Besides, they publish uplifting news from the outer world – novelties in technology, cultural events, etc. – but they do not cover political topics, even the ones that take place outside the country.

For example, one of the major events in recent years is the war in Ukraine. Not a single government agency, or pro-government agency has reported the ongoing war in Ukraine so far. As if it does not happen, or as if it is not important for the public of Turkmenistan. They do not report it at all.

Or, say, some political events – elections in Russia, elections in Türkiye. Turkmens discuss it privately. The recent municipal elections in Türkiye that were held at the end of last month are actively discussed in private talks, on social media. But the fact that the pro-government party lost the municipal elections was not reported in the press.

Sometimes, official outlets publish such messages that the president of Turkmenistan congratulated his Russian colleague on the electoral victory. And people reading the government press can learn from such messages that some elections were held in Russia.
What about your media?
— As to independent outlets and Azatlyk, in particular, we certainly try to report everything. We publish the latest news about the events in Ukraine every day. We generally try to cover events in Turkmenistan. As you know, the country has been in the economic crisis for seven years – the standard of living has dropped, people cannot afford essential goods – bread, flour, vegetable oil.

We also report that security agencies of Turkmenistan attend so-called state-funded organisations – schools, hospitals, other organisations – and hold meetings there so that people do not discuss political topics, or even think about it.

Or, if natural disasters happen in the country, government press does not report them. We try to keep our public up to date of most important events taking place in Turkmenistan.
Do you feel any pressure from the government on your editorial staff and particularly on your authors within the country due to what you write about?
— We certainly do. For safety reasons, I cannot specify or give specific examples of how authorities of Turkmenistan persecute journalists, but they do. Not only journalists. Police and security agencies try to detect people who speak to us, provide information, tell about the events they have witnessed. They try to detect them and these people are at risk of facing serious consequences. Therefore, our correspondents work underground, we do not provide their names.

Unfortunately, we cannot publish photos or videos they send to us because there are surveillance cameras installed in many towns, districts and even villages. We do not publish such information because of these cameras and for other reasons that can pose a threat to their safety. We publish photos or videos only when we are 100 per cent sure that it would not carry consequences for our sources or correspondents.
In addition to pressure and persecutions, are there any other complexities that your editorial office faces when covering events in Turkmenistan?
— Yes, there are. When we cover any event taking place in Turkmenistan we try to contact authorities for getting their comment. Once they hear it is a Radio Azatlyk correspondent, they either put the phone down or often start swearing.
According to the World Press Freedom Index, the score of Turkmenistan in the ranking has become a little better since 2020. What is it coming from and how does it feel in practice?
— We don't feel anything in practice. On the contrary, the freedom of speech situation has worsened a lot since 2020. Permanent blocking of websites and all social media. People get access to these platforms only via VPN. But the Turkmen government keeps pace and learned to block particular VPN services. In other words, people are being deprived of this opportunity, too. Fortunately, developers of services that help bypass blockings are a bit ahead of the Turkmen authorities.

As to Turkmenistan's getting higher in the ranking, I would construe it as the result of lower rankings of other countries and worse situations in them.
UZBEKISTAN
Lola Islamova, editor-in-chief of the news agency Anhor.uz, chair of the board of the non-governmental organisation Centre for Contemporary Journalism Development of Uzbekistan
Despite the reforms carried out by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev regarding construction of 'New Uzbekistan', the freedom of speech situation is no different from neighbouring countries in the region. In 2022, the country improved its position in the annual ranking of the Reporters Without Borders and rose from 157th to 133rd place, but in 2023 it went down to the 137th place and lost 4 points. The authorities largely control the media, as well as a number of bloggers with close ties to the government, according to the report. Many media outlets still cannot reach full financial independence.

"Officials do not hesitate to exert economic pressure or to try to corrupt journalists. The development of independent media is essentially blocked by laws restricting their funding, especially by foreign-based organisations that support a free press," according to the document.

Editor-in-chief of the news agency Anhor.uz, chair of the board of the non-governmental organisation Centre for Contemporary Journalism Development of Uzbekistan, Lola Islamova, answered the questions of CABAR.asia and told about the media situation in Uzbekistan. She has worked in journalism for over 25 years, and led the news agency Anhor.uz in the media market of Uzbekistan since 2014.

Anhor.uz is one of the few media outlets in Uzbekistan that provides expert opinion and analysis in addition to the news taking place in Uzbekistan and in the world. It has a reputation of an independent and competent media outlet among readers as well as decision-makers.
How do you evaluate the freedom of speech situation in Uzbekistan?
— The evaluation of the freedom of speech situation in Uzbekistan should be based on many factors. Free speech is ambiguous in the country based on many reasons. The main issues faced by media outlets in Uzbekistan are self-censorship in editorial offices and their financial instability. The instability is partially due to the size of the advertising market in the country, which was estimated at nearly 75-78 million dollars by experts in 2023. However, a considerable part (nearly 68 per cent) of advertising budget goes to television advertising.

Editorial offices cannot be independent if they continue to be financially unstable and dependent and if they lack resources, respectively. It is difficult to hire qualified staff and produce content in compliance with the quality journalism criteria.
Some international human rights organisations believe that the free speech situation in Uzbekistan has worsened compared to the first years of the current president's ruling. Some reports emphasise that Uzbekistan has 'shifted backward'. In your opinion, what are the reasons for that?
— You have outlined the picture, where the freedom of speech was taken in Uzbekistan as a chance to express opinions freely after a long time of restrictions, not always in compliance with legal framework, rights of other people, and personal boundaries. As a result, some materials spread online, often by bloggers, have gone beyond code of ethics and legislation. In response, those who were criticised started to take measures, which were interpreted as the restriction of the freedom of speech.

Moreover, when published information concerns the interests of particular persons or groups and discloses the facts of corruption or violation of laws, journalists and bloggers can face the attempts of pressure or muzzling. It is a widespread practice that cannot be justified. So, our editorial office follows the rule, 'Write like it is going to be checked by a prosecutor tomorrow.'
What are the main problems faced by journalists and editors? And generally, by independent or non-governmental media?
— Pressure exerted on journalists recently often becomes a matter of litigation, which worsens the problem of low security of media representatives.

This is due to the lack of legal literacy among journalists, and high legal fees, which makes qualified legal defence and counselling unaffordable. That is why it is important to have independent judicial system as it plays a key role in protecting the rights of journalists and ensuring the freedom of speech.
We have witnessed numerous arrests of bloggers in Uzbekistan in the last few years for criticising local authorities. Were there any cases of pressure on journalists for their professional activity last year? Can you tell about cases related to journalists?
— There have been cases of pressure on bloggers and journalists in Uzbekistan. Especially, when they covered sensitive issues or criticised authorities or private entities.

Last year, such cases of pressure were not something extraordinary, and I can share information about my personal experience. In 2023, the editorial office I am related to faced a lawsuit that lasted for seven months. The case was related to publication of the material containing analysis of operation of a monopolistic company. In response to the publication, the company initiated actions against the editorial staff by filing complaints to the ministry of interior affairs about the defamation and damage to business reputation.

It came to linguistic examination at the institute of forensic examination, but the results did not satisfy the monopolistic company, which kept on exerting pressure on the editorial staff by filing complaints to the law-enforcement bodies. The situation changed only after the case received widespread publicity, which made the company's management withdraw their complaints.

This case emphasises the importance of protection of the freedom of speech and independence of journalists, as well as the need for ensuring decent legal assistance to the media that face such pressure.
Can journalists of Uzbekistan perform their professional duties in full? What should they do for that?
— Journalists can perform their professional duties if they have particular conditions and resources. First of all, they need to have relevant knowledge and skills, including understanding of journalistic standards, methods of information collection and fact-checking. This is the basis that ensures quality and reliability of their work.

Tools are not just technical means to collect and distribute information, but also access to information resources, legal databases, expert community, and other important resources needed to perform investigations and create materials. And we have problems with it. Not all state bodies publish information on time and in full. We often have to buy information from the Statistics Agency.

Financial stability is required to ensure independence of editorial staff from political or commercial pressure. It also lets journalists to focus on their job, without wasting their time on searching for means of livelihood or project development.

State protection is one of the key aspects because it contains both legal assistance of journalists' rights and ensuring their physical security. State protection can also be in the form of passing of laws contributing to transparency and availability of information. We do not have it so far.
Can you tell what positive changes happened last year in this regard?
— We are witnessing the shifts in the field of protection of journalists in Uzbekistan. One of the considerable achievements is strengthening of civic engagement of journalists and bloggers. Journalists began consolidating more actively when they saw that protection of their rights is not only the obligation of the state or relevant entities, but also their personal interest.

Thus, a Legal Clinic for journalists and bloggers has been operating in the Centre for Development of Contemporary Journalism for over four years. Any journalist, blogger can get an advice and show their text there. It creates environment, where journalists can feel themselves more confidently and protected and keep on carrying out important and at times risky activities. Moreover, professional solidarity showed that the unified attitude of the journalistic community can serve as a powerful tool of protection of the freedom of speech. Journalists started to self-organise, which means a breakthrough.
In your opinion, what is the future of the Uzbek journalism? What are your forecasts?
— I think there will be no extraordinary changes.

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