CENTRAL ASIA:
LACK OF MEDIA FREEDOM
LACK OF MEDIA FREEDOM
08.09.2022
The Central Asian countries have never ranked high in global rankings of press freedom index. The authorities of the regional states try to toughen control over media and introduce new instruments to tighten the screws.
In 2022 press freedom ranking of the Reporters Without Borders, almost all region ranks at the bottom of the list. Turkmenistan ranks only above Iran, Eritrea and North Korea by the level of media freedom.
However, all countries have shown better results in the last five years.
In 2022 press freedom ranking of the Reporters Without Borders, almost all region ranks at the bottom of the list. Turkmenistan ranks only above Iran, Eritrea and North Korea by the level of media freedom.
However, all countries have shown better results in the last five years.
However, all countries have shown better results in the last five years.
The situation in Kazakhstan, according to the Reporters Without Borders, improved a little in 2022, but the authorities continued to modernise repression, with growing control of the internet. This year, the country ranks 122nd and this is the best result in the last five years.
However, authorities reportedly use all available means – arrests, assaults, telecommunications blackouts, internet shutdowns – to prevent coverage of major events, such as the protests in January 2022.
Experts also indicate that access to information is limited, and journalists' questions in governmental briefings are censored, while the government pays private media to disseminate regime propaganda.
Freedom House reported that media independence is severely limited in Kazakhstan. Analysts indicate that while the constitution provides for freedom of the press, most of the media sector is controlled by the state or government-friendly owners. In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking compiled by Freedom House, Kazakhstan scored 23 out of 100.
However, authorities reportedly use all available means – arrests, assaults, telecommunications blackouts, internet shutdowns – to prevent coverage of major events, such as the protests in January 2022.
Experts also indicate that access to information is limited, and journalists' questions in governmental briefings are censored, while the government pays private media to disseminate regime propaganda.
Freedom House reported that media independence is severely limited in Kazakhstan. Analysts indicate that while the constitution provides for freedom of the press, most of the media sector is controlled by the state or government-friendly owners. In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking compiled by Freedom House, Kazakhstan scored 23 out of 100.
Kyrgyzstan has been called an exceptional country in Central Asia for its "relative freedom of speech and press freedom despite the unstable economy and rampant corruption in state authorities". In the last five years, the level of the freedom of speech, according to the Reporters Without Borders, shows stable growth.
Nevertheless, the organisation said that the authorities still try to control all state media and try to spread its influence on private media. Experts also specify that political leaders use some mass media to restrict access of Journalists to information, while official institutions restrict access of journalists to information.
Independent editions for criticism of the authorities are regularly punished and sometimes turn into objects of cyber-attacks after publication of articles on corruption. In turn, investigative journalists become objects of violation, as well as case reporters at meetings.
The scandalous law on "Protection from unreliable and false information" that entitles to block information that is considered by authorities as "false" has also been considered. According to the organisation, the law violates international treaties and restricts press freedom.
In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, Kyrgyzstan scored 28 out of 100, and has improved its position compared to 2021.
Nevertheless, the organisation said that the authorities still try to control all state media and try to spread its influence on private media. Experts also specify that political leaders use some mass media to restrict access of Journalists to information, while official institutions restrict access of journalists to information.
Independent editions for criticism of the authorities are regularly punished and sometimes turn into objects of cyber-attacks after publication of articles on corruption. In turn, investigative journalists become objects of violation, as well as case reporters at meetings.
The scandalous law on "Protection from unreliable and false information" that entitles to block information that is considered by authorities as "false" has also been considered. According to the organisation, the law violates international treaties and restricts press freedom.
In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, Kyrgyzstan scored 28 out of 100, and has improved its position compared to 2021.
Tajikistan in 2022, according to Reporters Without Borders, has improved its position compared to 2021 and gone 10 positions up. Nevertheless, the organisation noted that the government watched closely the content disseminated on radio, television and internet.
In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, Tajikistan scored 8 out of 100. According to experts, the state shuts down independent media outlets, while freelance journalists face persecutions and intimidations.
Besides, authorities regularly block important websites, news portals, and social media platforms, as well as shutdown the internet and messaging services from time to time to suppress criticism. In the last five years, Tajikistan has never gone up higher than 149th by the level of press freedom in the ranking of the organisation.
In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, Tajikistan scored 8 out of 100. According to experts, the state shuts down independent media outlets, while freelance journalists face persecutions and intimidations.
Besides, authorities regularly block important websites, news portals, and social media platforms, as well as shutdown the internet and messaging services from time to time to suppress criticism. In the last five years, Tajikistan has never gone up higher than 149th by the level of press freedom in the ranking of the organisation.
In the report for 2022, Reporters Without Borders noted that the government of Turkmenistan maintained tight control of newspapers, radio, television and the internet. After Serdar Berdymukhamedov, son of the previous leader, became the head of the state in March, surveillance of journalists has intensified.
The experts indicated that criticism of the leader and of other officials is prohibited in Turkmenistan. Journalists who have dared to defy the rules have been prosecuted, imprisoned, tortured and even killed.
In turn, Freedom House, a non-governmental organisation, in its Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, designated Turkmenistan as a not free country. According to analysts, the press freedom is very restricted, while the national internet provider blocks the websites that publish independent news or opposition content.
The experts indicated that criticism of the leader and of other officials is prohibited in Turkmenistan. Journalists who have dared to defy the rules have been prosecuted, imprisoned, tortured and even killed.
In turn, Freedom House, a non-governmental organisation, in its Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, designated Turkmenistan as a not free country. According to analysts, the press freedom is very restricted, while the national internet provider blocks the websites that publish independent news or opposition content.
The position of Uzbekistan in the press freedom ranking of 2022 has improved by 24 points. This year, the country ranks 133rd. However, according to Reporters Without Borders, criticising state power remains complicated. Privately owned media outlets abstain from any criticism for fear of being shut down. The written press serves state interests.
Only 15 media outlets, according to the organisation, publish quality content. Some of them are based abroad, like the Fergana press agency, based in Moscow. In the last five years, the level of media freedom in Uzbekistan has shown both ups and downs.
In turn, Freedom House also pointed out that the freedom of speech and press freedom in Uzbekistan remains severely restricted. The state controls major media outlets and related facilities, and independent outlets were mostly shuttered or blocked under Islam Karimov. In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, Uzbekistan has scored 11.
Only 15 media outlets, according to the organisation, publish quality content. Some of them are based abroad, like the Fergana press agency, based in Moscow. In the last five years, the level of media freedom in Uzbekistan has shown both ups and downs.
In turn, Freedom House also pointed out that the freedom of speech and press freedom in Uzbekistan remains severely restricted. The state controls major media outlets and related facilities, and independent outlets were mostly shuttered or blocked under Islam Karimov. In the Freedom in the World 2022 ranking, Uzbekistan has scored 11.
KAZAKHSTAN
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Dzhamilya Maricheva
editor and founder of Protenge.kz media project:
- I think [that freedom of speech in Kazakhstan] is very conventional. Conditions are changing rapidly – what's real today might be unreal tomorrow, and vice versa. What's clear is that now those who have been the elite of the country, as the president called them, for a long time are covered more. Is the new team of the president covered much? Not really much. Therefore, the freedom of speech is rather conditional.
One can write a whole PhD about independent journalists. How many of them are there? One per cent, or one and a half per cent? There are very few of those who can be really considered independent media. Therefore, they are rather an exception that proves the rule:
What freedom of speech can we speak about when the country has been ruled by one person for 30 years?
It's fine if you have survived.
One of the main issues in Kazakhstan, which can hardly be resolved soon because the current government supports it, is the public contract for information, which, in fact, has killed the competition and the advertising industry in the country. Every media outlet, from district to republican ones, depends on the public contract for information. If you have this contract, you will survive, if you don't, it will be very difficult for you.
And the fact that the state is the main advertiser in the media makes our media outlets co-dependent. Based on my observations, the situation does not change, vice versa, it is getting worse.
One of the main issues in Kazakhstan, which can hardly be resolved soon because the current government supports it, is the public contract for information, which, in fact, has killed the competition and the advertising industry in the country. Every media outlet, from district to republican ones, depends on the public contract for information. If you have this contract, you will survive, if you don't, it will be very difficult for you.
And the fact that the state is the main advertiser in the media makes our media outlets co-dependent. Based on my observations, the situation does not change, vice versa, it is getting worse.
Previously, we could see which media outlets had been awarded public contracts, and now some contracts are awarded in closed bidding, when media outlets submit their proposals in sealed envelopes. It's because media outlets do not like it when other media outlets tell about the co-dependent relations with the state. It has a direct impact on their reputation. This moment will not be ever eradicated, and there will never be a fair competition for the audience.
In this regard, one of the main problems of independent media outlets is that we do not have a competitive field and it is unlikely to appear soon. It might be a problem for authors, but we have to ask them about it. But this is the problem for the whole media market and it is a fact.
As to the persecution of journalists and bloggers, this is a complicated issue. One blogger has been arrested for the extortion of 50 million tenge (107.4 thousand dollars) from an entrepreneur, according to the investigators. I can say nothing about it as I don't have enough information. My media outlet does not cover human rights issues, so I am not competent in this field.
As to the persecution of journalists and bloggers, this is a complicated issue. One blogger has been arrested for the extortion of 50 million tenge (107.4 thousand dollars) from an entrepreneur, according to the investigators. I can say nothing about it as I don't have enough information. My media outlet does not cover human rights issues, so I am not competent in this field.
Has the profession become less dangerous in Kazakhstan in the last year? I don't think so.
KYRGYZSTAN
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Anna Kapushenko
editor-in-chief, Kloop.kg internet media outlet:
- The situation of the freedom of speech has become worse in Kyrgyzstan in two directions. First, we see too much pressure on journalists. We can see it via criminal cases initiated against them. We see pressure exerted on activists or oppositionists who criticise the authorities. These people are called for interrogations, punished for making posts on social media.
The second direction is the information that was previously available to journalists, but now is not. It concerns public purchases, which are being concealed now. In other words, it has become difficult not only to ask for data transparency, but also to get any information.
We see that they do not respond to our requests, they simply [give] us formal replies. Information often comes from some sources and it is difficult to verify it. The authorities apparently hide something and we can hardly trace it. We do not understand the rules of the game because they change all the time.
We see that they do not respond to our requests, they simply [give] us formal replies. Information often comes from some sources and it is difficult to verify it. The authorities apparently hide something and we can hardly trace it. We do not understand the rules of the game because they change all the time.
In April 2022, Kyrgyzstan adopted the new law "On public purchases". According to it, state and municipal enterprises, as well as joint-stock companies with the state share over 50 per cent may not hold tenders or publish information about their purchases.
On January 20, 2022, investigative journalist Botol Temirov published the investigation about the relatives of the head of GKNB, Kamchybek Tashiev, who earned over 30 million soms on selling oil fuel from the public factory. A few days after the publication, Temirov was detained and several criminal cases were initiated against him.
Therefore, it becomes complicated and unsafe to become a journalist of an independent media outlet.
For example, the case of Bolot Temirov. We have managed to have impact on his detention in that he was not arrested, but released on recognizance not to leave, and it is a victory on the one hand. On the other hand, we do not act preventively, but rather respond to whatever happens. In other words, we act afterwards. But our task is to consolidate so that to avoid anything bad.
For example, the case of Bolot Temirov. We have managed to have impact on his detention in that he was not arrested, but released on recognizance not to leave, and it is a victory on the one hand. On the other hand, we do not act preventively, but rather respond to whatever happens. In other words, we act afterwards. But our task is to consolidate so that to avoid anything bad.
So far, unfortunately, I have to admit that we are not consolidated enough to hold our ground.
Also, when the ResPublica newspaper was blocked, it was obviously done with the use of the law "On protection from unreliable and false information." This is a very comfortable mechanism for authorities to make any editorial staff "shut up." And the response of the Ministry of Culture that "it's not their task to verify whether the information is false or not" means that it's not a transparent process, but a form of pressure on journalists.
It became known that the ResPublica website was blocked on July 22, 2022. It was blocked according to the law "On protection from false information" after the investigation of the smuggling at the "Manas" airport was published.
It's clear that the media is not on equal terms with authorities and it seems we are losing this struggle because the state has fake farms, loyal journalists, and the whole state machine, which is meant for propaganda and manipulation of public opinion. Therefore, the voice of freelance journalists becomes less audible.
People remain misguided, and the struggle against propaganda is a very complicated process. We put so much effort to uncover manipulations constantly used by authorities. But we don't have as many resources as they do, and it makes our work difficult.
We, journalists and human rights defenders, need a plan to help us consolidate and come out in a united front in order to win the struggle. I think we need to have courage to tell authorities openly if they do something wrong. Because when we keep silent about something, it makes authorities seize our territory gradually and think "if they grin and bear it, they will do the same next time."
People remain misguided, and the struggle against propaganda is a very complicated process. We put so much effort to uncover manipulations constantly used by authorities. But we don't have as many resources as they do, and it makes our work difficult.
We, journalists and human rights defenders, need a plan to help us consolidate and come out in a united front in order to win the struggle. I think we need to have courage to tell authorities openly if they do something wrong. Because when we keep silent about something, it makes authorities seize our territory gradually and think "if they grin and bear it, they will do the same next time."
However, I do not see such attitude in my colleagues or human rights defenders. Everyone's tired and exhausted. And it is quite understandable humanly. We have overcome the pandemic, we are living in the country that is a part of the former Soviet Union and feels the threat from outside. Even the war in Ukraine affects our mental condition. In fact, we do not have enough physical or mental resources to struggle now. But we all need to understand that stakes are high as we can lose everything, we can lose free Kyrgyzstan. Therefore, it makes sense to muster all our strength to struggle.
But we all need to understand that stakes are high as we can lose everything, we can lose free Kyrgyzstan. Therefore, it makes sense to muster all our strength to struggle.
TAJIKISTAN
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Pairav Chorshanbiev
correspondent of Asia-Plus news agency:
- In the last 10 years, access of the media to information was hindered as no information or access was available. Today it's almost impossible to get any data or information from officials verbally.
Responsible persons of all ministries and agencies immediately refer journalists to the press service, which says that they have an instruction to reply to written requests only. However, most of requests remain unanswered, and few requests get answered half of a month later, at best.
In general, access to information in Tajikistan has become more complicated compared to the 2000s. Back then, one could talk to any person without problems and could issue news on time.
Arrests of journalists in the last months have worsened the situation of coverage in the country. Many journalists have taken the persecution of their colleagues as demonstrative acts of intimidation and they became more selective. In short, they cannot afford writing about the things they used to write about before.
Half-yearly press conferences give a chance to journalists in Turkmenistan to get answers of chief executives of ministries and agencies to their questions. Of course, many of them try to reply in broad terms and are not useful for journalists.
Half-yearly press conferences give a chance to journalists in Turkmenistan to get answers of chief executives of ministries and agencies to their questions. Of course, many of them try to reply in broad terms and are not useful for journalists.
In June 2022, criminal cases were initiated in Tajikistan against freelance journalist and blogger Daler Imomali, as well as journalist Abdullo Gurbati. Both were detained.
See details here.
See details here.
At such events, it depends on journalists how they can ask questions so that officials cannot leave and how pressing they are.
The reply to the question of what can be done to improve access to information depends on what country you live in and where you work.
If you are in the country where authorities follow the principles of democracy and obey their own laws, you can go to court if officials refuse to provide information contrary to the Constitution and the relevant law.
If you are in the country where authorities follow the principles of democracy and obey their own laws, you can go to court if officials refuse to provide information contrary to the Constitution and the relevant law.
In Tajikistan, a journalist can do nothing about such attitude of officials. Otherwise, at worst, he/she can find oneself behind the bars. It all depends on the will of authorities.
In November 2021, the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan (NAIMT) noted that access to information in the country has worsened for the last few years.
According to the monitoring service of NAIMT, 37 requests remained unanswered, and only 21 requests were answered in 3 months – July, August, September – 2021 out of 58 journalistic requests referred by NAIMT and independent journalists to relevant authorities.
According to the monitoring service of NAIMT, 37 requests remained unanswered, and only 21 requests were answered in 3 months – July, August, September – 2021 out of 58 journalistic requests referred by NAIMT and independent journalists to relevant authorities.
TURKMENISTAN
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Anonymously
ex-journalist of a media outlet in Turkmenistan:
- When they say that there is "no journalism" in Turkmenistan, it is wide of the truth. Thee universities it the country have profile departments*, which train journalists. International organisations constantly hold a variety of trainings and workshops on journalistic skills. The country has a lot of print media outlets and over a dozen of radio stations and TV channels and some websites.
* Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan, the Makhtumkuli State University, and International University of Liberal Arts and Development.
* Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan, the Makhtumkuli State University, and International University of Liberal Arts and Development.
The difference is that all Turkmen journalism is absolutely servile and does everything to serve the authorities, pursue their ideology and is far from the key task and mission of journalism, i.e. representation and protection of public interests.
As a matter of fact, the journalism in Turkmenistan is a well-organised part of state propaganda, this is the role assigned to it by authorities. However, officials do a poor job of journalism, which is demonstrated by continuous discontent of top country's officials, constant criticism of the media, frequent change of officers, rebuking "media outlets for the failure to do their job of quality coverage of successes, achievements despite the full support of the state…", etc.
The integral part of all media outlets is total censorship, which was actually secured in the keynote speech of first president Niyazov back in 1992, when he declared the national programme "10 years of prosperity": "…we will impose restrictions on media outlets in this period (10 years of prosperity)." However, the censorship was never cancelled after a lapse of this period despite the ban on censorship that was available in law for some time.
Moreover, as the pressure of the repressive measures on the society increased, journalists imposed strict self-censorship, and the failure to comply with it could lead not only to a job loss, but also to real repression. Since all media outlets in the country belonged to the state, Saparmurad Niyazov was once the founder of most of central newspapers, a job loss meant a ban on the profession for a journalist.
No doubt that the strongest ideology of all media outlets imposes special ethics on journalistic teams and individual journalists.
As a matter of fact, the journalism in Turkmenistan is a well-organised part of state propaganda, this is the role assigned to it by authorities. However, officials do a poor job of journalism, which is demonstrated by continuous discontent of top country's officials, constant criticism of the media, frequent change of officers, rebuking "media outlets for the failure to do their job of quality coverage of successes, achievements despite the full support of the state…", etc.
The integral part of all media outlets is total censorship, which was actually secured in the keynote speech of first president Niyazov back in 1992, when he declared the national programme "10 years of prosperity": "…we will impose restrictions on media outlets in this period (10 years of prosperity)." However, the censorship was never cancelled after a lapse of this period despite the ban on censorship that was available in law for some time.
Moreover, as the pressure of the repressive measures on the society increased, journalists imposed strict self-censorship, and the failure to comply with it could lead not only to a job loss, but also to real repression. Since all media outlets in the country belonged to the state, Saparmurad Niyazov was once the founder of most of central newspapers, a job loss meant a ban on the profession for a journalist.
No doubt that the strongest ideology of all media outlets imposes special ethics on journalistic teams and individual journalists.
No personal innuendos are allowed, no compromising materials, no journalistic investigations exist in the arsenal of the media.
However, media outlets readily disseminate information about rare corruption cases when court decisions are available. They can do it only when chief decision-makers authorise it, and when force authorities prepare the content.
Given the high demand for access to higher education and strict state allocation of quotas for university admission, competition for journalism departments has always been intense. Moreover, everyone knows that a job of a journalist is linked to the ideological service of authorities and thus means the proximity to the authorities and a chance to "build a career", get into the "elite", especially when it comes to admission to the Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan, where international journalists are trained.
However, the younger generation of journalists has nothing to do with the quality of journalism.
Given the high demand for access to higher education and strict state allocation of quotas for university admission, competition for journalism departments has always been intense. Moreover, everyone knows that a job of a journalist is linked to the ideological service of authorities and thus means the proximity to the authorities and a chance to "build a career", get into the "elite", especially when it comes to admission to the Institute of International Relations of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkmenistan, where international journalists are trained.
However, the younger generation of journalists has nothing to do with the quality of journalism.
The youth join the rows of ideological front fighters that are fully loyal to authorities and assume no moral or any other responsibility to the society or have no professional duty.
A category of those writing for foreign media outlets refers to "civil activism", "citizen journalism" rather than to a category of journalists in the proper sense of the word. These people usually do not have a degree in journalism and majority of them have no journalistic skills but a striving to communicate information about problems faced by the country and society.
It has an impact on the quality of materials published on émigré websites, which are the key employers for this category of journalists. Given due respect to the courage, often desperate boldness of these people, we need to admit that the reporting and stringer format of their work cannot cover most of the problems and events in the society, not to mention their interpretation and analysis. On the other hand, this format is largely used by émigré websites, often to the detriment of other formats, which makes the real information picture incomplete.
The "citizen journalism" is one of the key enemies of the state and one of the key targets of security services. All those activists do underground work, with few exceptions, hide their names, which is absolutely reasonable.
It has an impact on the quality of materials published on émigré websites, which are the key employers for this category of journalists. Given due respect to the courage, often desperate boldness of these people, we need to admit that the reporting and stringer format of their work cannot cover most of the problems and events in the society, not to mention their interpretation and analysis. On the other hand, this format is largely used by émigré websites, often to the detriment of other formats, which makes the real information picture incomplete.
The "citizen journalism" is one of the key enemies of the state and one of the key targets of security services. All those activists do underground work, with few exceptions, hide their names, which is absolutely reasonable.
Numerous cases of repressions against such activists end up mainly with fabricated criminal cases and real prison terms.
Thus, several stringers of the émigré media outlet, Turkmen News, were arrested at once and sentenced in the last few years. Pressure is exerted on reporters suspected of working with the Turkmen service of Radio Liberty.
Nurgeldy Khalykov, correspondent of Turkmen News, was found guilty on a charge of sending of someone else's photo of the WHO mission in an informal setting, which arrived in the country to see the situation during the pandemic. Journalist Soltan Achilova, the only one who does not hide her real name and who cooperated with Radio Azatlyk and other émigré websites is always undergoing physical and psychological coercion. Annamurad Bugaev, correspondent of Radio Azatlyk, has died under unascertained circumstances.
Not reporters and stringers, but ordinary citizens who turn to foreign media outlets and editorial staff with their problems regarding protection of their rights are often exposed to pressure. Those who were courageous enough to disclose their names are doctor Khursanai Ismatullaeva, lawyer Pigamberdy Allaberdyev, gay Kasymberdy Garaev who came out.
Independent bloggers are usually persecuted and criminal cases are fabricated against them. Among them are video bloggers who post their videos on YouTube – Murad Ovezov, Sergei Babaniyazov, Agadzhuma Bairamov.
Establishment of full-scale independent media outlets was attempted back in 1991-1992.
Nurgeldy Khalykov, correspondent of Turkmen News, was found guilty on a charge of sending of someone else's photo of the WHO mission in an informal setting, which arrived in the country to see the situation during the pandemic. Journalist Soltan Achilova, the only one who does not hide her real name and who cooperated with Radio Azatlyk and other émigré websites is always undergoing physical and psychological coercion. Annamurad Bugaev, correspondent of Radio Azatlyk, has died under unascertained circumstances.
Not reporters and stringers, but ordinary citizens who turn to foreign media outlets and editorial staff with their problems regarding protection of their rights are often exposed to pressure. Those who were courageous enough to disclose their names are doctor Khursanai Ismatullaeva, lawyer Pigamberdy Allaberdyev, gay Kasymberdy Garaev who came out.
Independent bloggers are usually persecuted and criminal cases are fabricated against them. Among them are video bloggers who post their videos on YouTube – Murad Ovezov, Sergei Babaniyazov, Agadzhuma Bairamov.
Establishment of full-scale independent media outlets was attempted back in 1991-1992.
Independent magazine "Dayanch" managed to print only two issues before it was shut down, and its publisher, Mukhametmurad Salamatov, was exposed to physical and psychological pressure. The public and business newspaper, Contact, managed to print the "zero" issue and was then shut down by decision of President Niyazov. The weekly newspaper "Turkmen spark" managed to publish relatively unrestricted materials, but it was shut down by 1995, and one of its journalists, Natalia Sosnina, went missing.
Afterwards, non-governmental organisations and some activists tried to publish amateur print media in circumvention of the law "On print media" and statutory regulations governing work of media outlets, i.e. they did not have to be officially registered because of small circulation, but they ceased to exist by the end of the 90s.
Some publishers and authors of these amateur print media outlets are known to be exposed to repressions and were driven out of the country, while the laws regulating the work of media and publishing activities were toughened.
In the last years of President Niyazov's regime, any belonging to a foreign media outlet or even suspected belonging was punished by prison terms, while Ogulsapar Muradova, journalist of the Turkmen service of Radio Liberty Azatlyk, died from torture in the prison of the National Security Committee. Moreover, Niyazov and all state propaganda unceremoniously blamed those people for working for "disruptive centres," "defamation of motherland" and other sins. In other words, those journalists were equated to "public enemies."
When President Berdymukhamedov took power, pressure on reporters and stringers declined to some extent, but for a while.
Some publishers and authors of these amateur print media outlets are known to be exposed to repressions and were driven out of the country, while the laws regulating the work of media and publishing activities were toughened.
In the last years of President Niyazov's regime, any belonging to a foreign media outlet or even suspected belonging was punished by prison terms, while Ogulsapar Muradova, journalist of the Turkmen service of Radio Liberty Azatlyk, died from torture in the prison of the National Security Committee. Moreover, Niyazov and all state propaganda unceremoniously blamed those people for working for "disruptive centres," "defamation of motherland" and other sins. In other words, those journalists were equated to "public enemies."
When President Berdymukhamedov took power, pressure on reporters and stringers declined to some extent, but for a while.
Other methods were practised – psychological pressure, fabrication of criminal cases, direct provocations, ousting from the country.
Moreover, these methods were applied to everyone, and any identified stringer should have been sentenced.
There is no statistics of repressions against journalists in the time of President Serdar Berdymukhamedov, but his tough policy and restrictive measures regarding access to internet surpass restrictive measures of his father regarding freedom of access and dissemination of information. Therefore, there are no grounds to think that Serdar Berdymukhamedov's policy regarding media and journalists will change for the better.
There is no statistics of repressions against journalists in the time of President Serdar Berdymukhamedov, but his tough policy and restrictive measures regarding access to internet surpass restrictive measures of his father regarding freedom of access and dissemination of information. Therefore, there are no grounds to think that Serdar Berdymukhamedov's policy regarding media and journalists will change for the better.
UZBEKISTAN
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Darina Solod
сo-founder and producer of Hook.report outlet:
- Despite the declared openness and transparency, the media world of Uzbekistan still faces the same problems as with the first president of the country. The country still has censorship, pressure from officials, and it is still difficult for journalists to develop.
In almost all spheres abroad Uzbekistan is marketed as the country with the incredible number of changes. Some call the
In almost all spheres abroad Uzbekistan is marketed as the country with the incredible number of changes. Some call the
changes in Uzbekistan "the renaissance", and Mirziyoyev the key reformer in recent years. There is a grain of truth in these words.
However, only those living in the country know that not everything is that open and transparent, and not all reforms are large-scale and needed for better life of the people.
The situation of civil society and journalism is the most complicated. Compared to 2005-2016, the general situation has indeed changed for better. There are changes in what kind of information may be shown by journalists in their media outlets; censorship has become softer, yet it still exists.
The situation in Karakalpakstan and coverage of those events by Uzbek media outlets is a perfect example. Two materials of Gazeta.uz were written before the protests began, one of them was about amendments to the constitution, and another one provided analysis of what can be expected from future amendments and how they will affect the country. The irony is that both materials disappeared on the day of press and media workers, i.e. the professional holiday of journalists. It's even more ironical that colleagues congratulated each other on the holiday, but almost all of them ignored the fact that work of one of the most popular Russian-language media outlet was censored.
On July 1-2, 2022, protests were held in Nukus, centre of the autonomous Republic of Karakalpakstan, and then erupted into clashes with the National Guard. The reason of protests was the amendments to the constitution suggested by President Shavkat Mirziyoyev, including articles on the change of status of the autonomous republic.
Read here for details.
Read here for details.
After Mirziyoyev visited Nukus personally, it was allowed to write about Karakalpakstan only in certain cases. A few days later, one material was removed from Gazeta and then returned back for some reason. Another material about the events in Nukus was removed from Anhor.uz, but was never returned.
Total silence when hundreds of people in one part of the country took to the streets also indicates that censorship continues to be the integral part of a journalist's life in Uzbekistan. After materials were removed, only Hook.report, BBC Uzbek and media in Kazakhstan wrote actively about the events in Karakalpakstan.
However, it is not only censorship that hinders living and developing. Law enforcement is a big problem – according to the media law of the Republic of Uzbekistan, all government institutions must respond to written requests of editorial offices within six business days. However, in practice, we regularly face the fact that press services and government agencies either openly ignore requests for information, or confine themselves to standard formal replies.
Total silence when hundreds of people in one part of the country took to the streets also indicates that censorship continues to be the integral part of a journalist's life in Uzbekistan. After materials were removed, only Hook.report, BBC Uzbek and media in Kazakhstan wrote actively about the events in Karakalpakstan.
However, it is not only censorship that hinders living and developing. Law enforcement is a big problem – according to the media law of the Republic of Uzbekistan, all government institutions must respond to written requests of editorial offices within six business days. However, in practice, we regularly face the fact that press services and government agencies either openly ignore requests for information, or confine themselves to standard formal replies.
In our practice, we have had a case when our request has allegedly sunk during the flood.
Generally speaking, information and access to it is a great problem in our country. Of all data registers, only public procurement website is functioning, but its usability is so complicated that it is difficult to find information there.
In Uzbekistan, there is no law obliging officials to declare their income, so we cannot carry out investigations, or support data even in simple analytical materials. There is no register of taxpayer ID numbers of state and private companies, so it is very hard to find even simple information.
When people ask me why Uzbekistan does not have full-scale investigations or high-profile cases, I always invite my colleagues to our country to see the master class with available instruments. So far, all experiments have ended up poorly – when many professional journalists find themselves in the information field of Uzbekistan, they shrug their shoulders and feel lost. I know that it is really difficult.
At least now we do not feel the influence and pressure of security services of the country.
In Uzbekistan, there is no law obliging officials to declare their income, so we cannot carry out investigations, or support data even in simple analytical materials. There is no register of taxpayer ID numbers of state and private companies, so it is very hard to find even simple information.
When people ask me why Uzbekistan does not have full-scale investigations or high-profile cases, I always invite my colleagues to our country to see the master class with available instruments. So far, all experiments have ended up poorly – when many professional journalists find themselves in the information field of Uzbekistan, they shrug their shoulders and feel lost. I know that it is really difficult.
At least now we do not feel the influence and pressure of security services of the country.
Open confrontation with journalists will have a bad impact on the country's image, therefore, journalists are no longer called "for a talk."
However, two-three years ago several of my employees had a talk with the officers of the State Security Service.
There were no direct threats – they said that they were following a dangerous path, problems they will face in future, and why it is better to stop working with Hook.report under a guise of care. Threats stopped being direct – instead of promising potential consequences straightforward, now they suggest to think about it, or else one's parents may have problems at work, problems can arise at other work places, or even with going abroad.
The expected result is the dismissal and transfer to a media outlet that is more "loyal" to the state. In most cases, it happens so. No one wants to risk their health and life for unknown purposes, for the society that does not want to change anything. It also deprives journalists of small victories and achievements. If we have a more developed civil society, we can track down the result of our work and know that we do it for a purpose. In case of freelance and socially active media outlets in Uzbekistan, we deal with low salaries, failure to develop further, and burnout.
There were no direct threats – they said that they were following a dangerous path, problems they will face in future, and why it is better to stop working with Hook.report under a guise of care. Threats stopped being direct – instead of promising potential consequences straightforward, now they suggest to think about it, or else one's parents may have problems at work, problems can arise at other work places, or even with going abroad.
The expected result is the dismissal and transfer to a media outlet that is more "loyal" to the state. In most cases, it happens so. No one wants to risk their health and life for unknown purposes, for the society that does not want to change anything. It also deprives journalists of small victories and achievements. If we have a more developed civil society, we can track down the result of our work and know that we do it for a purpose. In case of freelance and socially active media outlets in Uzbekistan, we deal with low salaries, failure to develop further, and burnout.
However, this profession is romantic in its own way. Constant challenge and fighting windmills. And there's hope that we are going to win one day.
Authors:
- Alyona Timofeeva (Kazakhstan)
- Serdar Aitakov (Turkmenistan)
Editors
- Natalia Lee
- Lola Olimova
- Marat Mamadshoev
Layout
- Natalia Lee
Main photo: freepik.com
cabar.asia
2022
2022